House Hearing on Private Equity and Venture Capital Regulation- Part 1: The Private Equity Council
Everybody likes a fight. So it came as no surprise that the media dredged up some hackneyed headlines to describe the House Financial Services Committee’s hearings on regulating hedge funds, venture capital, and private equity earlier this month. Whether they dodged bullets at a “Showdown at the VC Corral” or witnessed bloodlust as “PE lobbyists throw VCs under the bus,” journalists let us know that – surprise! – the private equity community trashed the venture capital exemption in Congressman Paul Kanjorski’s (D-PA) draft bill on amendments to the Investment Advisers Act of 1940 (IAA). Even so, it was somewhat disappointing that nobody offered any details about the testimony of Douglas Lowenstein of the Private Equity Council (PEC). True, details don’t always make for compelling news copy, but the PEC’s testimony seems to warrant a second look. Part 1 of this post first asks the questions: “On behalf of whom does the PEC speak?” and “What weight should Congress give to their opinions?” We then review some of the PEC’s specific complaints about Rep. Kanjorski’s draft bill. In Part 2, we’ll analyze the PEC’s arguments for eliminating the bill’s venture capital exemption, especially its facile equation of private equity acquisitions with venture capital financing.
How Representative is the Private Equity Council?
What is the Private Equity Council? It’s a D.C.-based trade group formed in February 2007 to lobby public policy makers on behalf of some of the largest private equity firms in the U.S., including Blackstone, KKR, Carlyle, Bain, Apollo, Apax, and Madison Dearborn, each of which has over $10 billion in assets under management. By its own admission, the PEC represents only a dozen large private equity firms, even though it estimates that there are over 2,000 private equity firms based in the U.S. By comparison, the National Venture Capital Association (NVCA) has over 450 members, more than half of the approximately 740 U.S. venture capital companies, representing more than 90% of the venture capital industry’s assets under management. The PEC’s presence at the Committee’s hearing on “Enhancing Oversight of Private Pools of Capital” probably speaks more to its members’ influence on Wall Street and K Street than it does to its suitability as an advocate for the private equity industry as a whole.
To be sure, the PEC’s members will be among those most affected by any regulation of alternative investment vehicles and consequently deserve to have their voices heard by Congressional lawmakers. They are also most likely to be scrutinized by any governmental body charged with the duties of a “systemic risk regulator.” At the same time, the Committee should not take the opinions of Mr. Lowenstein on Rep. Kanjorski’s bill as representative of the some 1,900 other private equity firms, who apparently don’t merit a seat at the bargaining table. It should be borne in mind that some of the PEC’s members either already are, or soon will be, subject to SEC registration and reporting requirements. The Blackstone Group LP (BX) currently trades on the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE), while KKR’s recently completed reverse merger with its Euronext Amsterdam-listed affiliate KKR Private Equity Investors positions it for a planned NYSE listing in the spring of 2010. Meanwhile, the PEC’s other members tend to target acquisitions of relatively mature companies, many of whose securities are publicly traded. In the process of taking such companies private, private equity funds must comply with various SEC requirements, including the Securities Exchange Act’s Rule 13e-3 “going private” disclosures for affiliates of equity issuers, the Williams Act’s regulations governing tender offers, Regulation 13D filings on beneficial ownership, and Section 16’s insider trading rules.
In his prepared testimony, Mr. Lowenstein tacitly acknowledged that many of the investment and fundraising activities of the PEC’s members already fall within the purview of governmental authorities. He seemed resigned that more stringent regulation was inevitable when he gave his lukewarm endorsement: “we are generally supportive of requiring registration of advisers to private pools of capital.” As expected, Mr. Lowenstein’s criticisms of specific provisions in the Kanjorski bill relate the objections of the PEC’s members. It would be foolish to ignore the obvious fact that small- to midsized private equity firms have no trade association that the Committee could have summoned to the Hill. Aside from these firms’ limited resources, the “lone wolf” investment style of private equity firms discourages the formation of a nationwide trade association. After all, the PEC itself was formed only after its members began to club together in mega deals for large corporations. But it would be even more foolish for Congress to disregard how the Kanjorski bills regulatory reforms will impact the vast majority of private equity firms.
Big Private Equity’s Need for a Competitive Advantage
A close reading of Mr. Lowenstein’s October 6 testimony before the Committee indicates that the PEC’s members are most concerned with the prospect that the draft legislation’s “broad disclosures to third parties” would put its constituents at a “serious competitive disadvantage.” By contrast, the testimony of Terry McGuire of the NVCA focused on how the onerous regulatory burdens of the IAA would interfere with venture capital firms’ ability to “start and grow new companies.” Mr. McGuire pointed out that even relatively large venture capital firms – such as his own Polaris Venture Partners – run on skeleton crews ill-equipped to shoulder heavy administrative burdens. Compliance with the requirements imposed on IAA registered advisers would not only hamper the investment activities of big VC firms, but venture capital firms of all types and sizes.
Mr. Lowenstein took particular issue with Section 204(b)(7) of the discussion draft, which would grant the SEC broad rulemaking authority to require IAA registrants to provide reports, records, and other information to “investors, prospective investors, counterparties, and creditors” of private funds. For private equity firms to comply with these requirements, Mr. Lowenstein contended, “is potentially destructive of normal commercial relationships and could expose proprietary information and trade secrets to those with whom we compete.” The PEC’s members appear to fear a scenario in which they are compelled by the SEC to disclose certain information to one of their senior lenders, such as JPMorgan or Goldman Sachs, which could then pass on such information to the banks’ respective private equity affiliates, like JPMorgan Partners or Goldman Sachs Private Equity Group. Averring that keeping such information confidential is crucial to retaining a private equity fund’s competitive advantage, Mr. Lowenstein exhorted the Committee to eliminate the provision from any final legislation. Such concerns more likely represent those of the PEC’s membership than of the typical private equity fund, which is unlikely to be able to convince banking behemoths like JPMorgan or Goldman Sachs to provide debt financing on a $50-$150 million leveraged buyout of a midmarket company.
Moreover, for reasons we’ll explore in more detail in Part 2, Mr. Lowenstein’s argument that creditors and investors that negotiate with private equity funds “are all highly-sophisticated market participants with the leverage to bargain with the fund at the time that the . . . relationship is first established” rings hollow. Does anyone who witnessed the lending frenzy of 2006 – 2007 honestly believe that banks in such a competitive landscape would “simply refuse to lend to the fund if the lender is not satisfied that it has received sufficient upfront information about that fund and its investments?”
Assets under Management Threshold
It’s true that elsewhere in his testimony Mr. Lowenstein championed the concept of “calibrated reporting requirements for different types of funds,” an argument that on its face promotes the interests of smaller private equity funds. A good argument could – and should – be made that the IAA’s $30 million threshold is too low for advisers to private funds, many of whose deals, whether structured as leveraged buyouts or pure equity buyouts, could not arguably pose a systemic risk to the financial system. But even here, where Mr. Lowenstein appears to stand up for most private equity firms, he subsequently undermines this position by demanding that “the language [of the bill] base calibration not just on the type and size of the fund, but on their potential to cause systemic risk.” The problem with this argument is that nowhere does Mr. Lowenstein propose another way for Congress to devise a metric for determining systemic risk.
Once again, this proposition only serves the interests of the PEC’s members. As Part 2 will show, Mr. Lowenstein’s insistence that the size and type of fund bears no relation to whether or not its investment activities pose a systemic risk relies on his attempt to equate venture capital financing with private equity LBOs. According to the PEC, the two are merely different species of the same genus. But the history of large LBOs over the past three years tells another story. Remember, as recently as this past April French banks seriously considered quarantining their LBO debt in a “bad bank” lest their liabilities metastasize.
Related Post: House Hearing on Private Equity and Venture Capital Regulation - Part 2: Leveraged Buyouts
